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Learning from the past: How history education shapes support for extreme ideology

Democracies around the world are seeing substantial increases in support for radical populist parties. This column uses a natural experiment in Germany from 2009 to 2014, when high school history curricula alternated between covering the communist German Democratic Republic and Nazi Germany, to examine whether effective history education can reduce the allure of extreme ideologies. The findings suggest that teaching the risks of authoritarian regimes does more than impart historical knowledge; it dampens support for the ideologies those regimes embodied, even a decade after students have left the classroom.

Over the last 20 years, democracies around the world have experienced a substantial increase in support for radical populist parties, many of them built around extreme ideologies (Sabet et al. 2023, Stanig et al. 2022, Tabellini 2019). Such ideologies can undermine the foundations of democracy and, in the most severe cases, precipitate the rise of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes (Fitzpatrick 2001, Shirer 1960).

How can democratic societies equip citizens with the means to critically evaluate the benefits and drawbacks of extreme ideologies? Could history education in schools play a role in equipping citizens with this awareness? In a recent paper (Braghieri and Eichmeyer 2024), we address this question by exploring whether studying the history of an authoritarian regime can significantly and lastingly reduce support for the extremist ideology associated with that regime.

A natural experiment in the German state of Lower Saxony provided a unique opportunity to investigate these effects. Between 2009 and 2014, the senior high school history curriculum in Lower Saxony alternated between covering two regimes – the communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Nazi Germany – allowing us to study the influence of different historical lessons on long-term political views. By surveying more than 2,000 former students approximately 12 years after graduation, we were able to assess how learning about one regime versus the other shaped knowledge retention and political ideology. Our findings reveal significant insights into the potential for history education to influence political beliefs in the long run.

As shown in Figure 1, students who studied the GDR in their final years of high school retained far more knowledge about the regime than those who learned about Nazi Germany. Specifically, even after a decade, these students obtained a 7% higher score on a seven-question quiz about the GDR. This sustained retention suggests that focused lessons on specific historical regimes can lead to a long-lasting increase in understanding. Knowledge of Nazi Germany, on the other hand, remained stable among all groups, likely because it is a consistent part of Germany’s broader educational curriculum.

Figure 1 Mean knowledge across graduation years

Figure 1 Mean knowledge across graduation years
Figure 1 Mean knowledge across graduation years

Beyond knowledge retention, the rotation of history topics had profound effects on political ideology. As shown in Figure 2, students who studied the GDR displayed significantly lower support for extreme left-wing ideas than those who learned about Nazi Germany. In the survey, support for each ideology was measured through indices calculated from participants’ agreement with key statements on a seven-point scale, where higher scores indicated stronger alignment with the respective ideology.

Students who covered the GDR in senior high school expressed less agreement with core communist ideas, such as extensive government control over the economy and support for a socialist state. This suggests that education on the GDR’s authoritarian practices effectively reduced participants’ alignment with left-wing extremist ideologies, even well into adulthood. Support for extreme right-wing ideology was not affected, on average, by the rotation in topics – likely because Nazi Germany is studied extensively in the German curriculum before the last two years of high school.

Figure 2 Mean ideology across graduation years

Figure 2 Mean ideology across graduation years
Figure 2 Mean ideology across graduation years

Although studying the GDR did not affect participants’ views about right-wing extremism on average, the effects varied significantly depending on the regional political context. In areas where the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party had stronger support, students who studied the GDR rather than Nazi Germany were more likely to endorse right-wing extremist views. This regional variation suggests that a student’s broader social and political environment plays a substantial role in moderating the effects of history education. For students from right-leaning areas, forgoing the study of Nazi Germany in the last two years of high school and studying the GDR regime instead led to higher support for extreme right-wing ideology.

Figure 3 Heterogenous treatment effects by vote share for extreme parties

Figure 3 Heterogenous treatment effects by vote share for extreme parties
Figure 3 Heterogenous treatment effects by vote share for extreme parties

These findings carry important implications for educational policy. First, they underline the lasting impact of history education. Our research suggests that teaching the risks of authoritarian regimes does more than impart historical knowledge; it can dampen support for the ideologies those regimes embodied, even a decade or more after students have left the classroom. Students who studied the GDR, for example, were less likely to support left-wing extremist ideas years later, illustrating that such lessons can have long-lasting ideological effects.

Additionally, our results indicate that curriculum design may need to be tailored to regional political climates to achieve the desired outcomes. In regions with strong pre-existing support for extremist ideologies, more comprehensive or nuanced history education may be required to counter these views effectively.

Finally, our findings contribute to a broader debate on the role of humanities in education, particularly regarding the importance of history in building democratic societies. The value of subjects like history extends beyond simple knowledge; it helps cultivate engaged, informed citizens who are more resilient to extremist ideologies. As educational systems increasingly emphasise STEM, our study suggests that history and other humanities should not be neglected, as they are vital tools for shaping democratic values.

The results described in this column are particularly relevant today, given the increase in support for populist radical parties, many of which are built around extreme ideologies. In an era where misinformation and political polarisation are rampant, the ability to critically assess extremist narratives is more important than ever. History education provides a unique opportunity to instil this critical awareness by exposing students to the real-world consequences of authoritarian regimes. As citizens encounter increasingly sophisticated ideological rhetoric, equipping them with historical knowledge can serve as a powerful defence against the allure of extremism, helping to safeguard democratic norms in an increasingly fragile political landscape.

In sum, history education can help foster democratic resilience by reducing the appeal of extremist ideologies. Policymakers should recognise the potential of curriculum design to contribute to healthier democratic societies and consider how lessons on past regimes can promote a more balanced, informed citizenry for generations to come.

Source : VOXeu

GLOBAL BUSINESS AND FINANCE MAGAZINE

GLOBAL BUSINESS AND FINANCE MAGAZINE

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