Economy

How can Europe’s nuclear deterrence trilemma be resolved?

The United States under President Donald Trump has adopted an ambiguous position on European security. Although no immediate risk of abandonment is apparent, European countries are rethinking their defence strategies in case the US declines to support them, or provides only partial support, in a crisis. This discussion is particularly sensitive in relation to nuclear weapons, the ultimate deterrent, for which European countries depend extensively on the United States.

We argue that a possible future US withdrawal from European nuclear security will force European countries to face a policy trilemma. If they stick to the existing policy framework of no proliferation and no joint deterrence, they expose themselves to nuclear blackmail, should the US withdraw its external guarantee. If they want to protect themselves from nuclear blackmail, they must choose how to provide nuclear security: either collective nuclear security, which would compromise some national sovereignty, or independent provision by individual countries, leading to nuclear proliferation in Europe.

Having established that uncontrolled proliferation is an inferior outcome to some form of joint deterrence, we identify four main alternatives: an extension of the Franco-British nuclear deterrent; an extension complemented by a jointly financed expansion of existing deterrence; the absorption of the French (and perhaps British) nuclear arsenals into a European arsenal; and the construction of a separate European submarine deterrent (with Europe using French or British technology or developing new technology). We also discuss briefly forms of non-nuclear deterrence, which however would likely be a complementary rather than a substitute for a nuclear deterrent. We compare these options using a set of parameters: strategic autonomy and credibility, changes to treaties (including non-proliferation), costs, capabilities and readiness. Our analysis shows that all options have advantages and disadvantages, but some are politically, financially and militarily more feasible.

Source : Bruegel

GLOBAL BUSINESS AND FINANCE MAGAZINE

Recent Posts

Not your average firm: Heterogeneous cross-border financial allocations

International financial integration is often measured through national totals. Yet these totals can conceal very…

4 days ago

Powerful pacifism and currency dominance: What 150 years of international monetary system regime switches say about the US dollar’s future

The 20th century shift from sterling to the dollar is often cited as evidence that…

4 days ago

US goods trade deficit unexpectedly widens in September

 The US trade deficit in goods unexpectedly widened in September as imports increased, suggesting that…

4 days ago

Fix education to make AI work across Europe and Central Asia

The countries of Europe and Central Asia (ECA) cannot afford to miss the opportunity that…

4 days ago

Education and urbanization alone may not end global extreme poverty

Counting the number of people living in extreme poverty — on less than $3 a…

4 days ago

Oil shocks no longer hit the US economy as they used to

Recent disruptions to global oil markets, from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to the war in…

5 days ago